The role of political parties in Bangladesh
The political parties in Bangladesh have
always changed their Policies regarding fundamentalism and communalism
according to their needs. The main political party of the country i.e. Awami League was in power
for the first time from 1972 to 1975. Second
time they assumed power again in June, 1996. The constitution of 1972 as
adopted by Awami League wasan epoch-making step for a poor Muslim dominated
country like Bangladesh, for secularism was accepted as one of the basic
principles of the republic by outlawing religion-based political parties.
Although the characteristic of Bengali
nationalism was always secularism it was necessary to mention secularism
separately, because the Pakistani rulers carried on their exploitations on the
people of this land for 23 years on the plea of religion and the most gruesome
genocide and women violations committed during the liberation war of 1971 were
also done on the plea of saving Islam.
As the framers of 1972 constitution well
understood the character of the state named Pakistan, they were very careful to
determine the secular character of the newly born state out of the destruction
of Pakistan,even though secularism was not properly reflected in the state
policy or official activities.
Black law known as the "Enemy Property
Act" made during Pakistan period in order to grab the property of
religious minorities by the state was generally kept intact after the
inceptionof Bangladesh, by changing its name a little. Thus the state failed to
remove the apprehension of religious minorities and more particularly Hindu
community in newly born Bangladesh. During this period secular Bangladesh also
became eager to get Muslim credential by participating in the Islamic countries
summit conference. At this very time Islamic Foundation was established, along
with thousands of new madrasas and mosques. Even with all these contradictions
Bangladesh was more modern and advanced than,say,the Islamic Republic of Pakistan;
because secularism was recognised here as one of the state principles and the
formation of religion based political parties was prohibited by the
constitution.
After the brutal assassination of
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1975 KhondakerMushtaque made a rule for
wearing caps and got recognition from Pakistan and Saudi Arabia showing
allegiance to Islam. After Mushtaque3/4 General Zia came to power and changed
the constitution by introducing ?Bismillah? at the beginning. Zia dropped
"Secularism", "Bengali Nationalism" and
"Socialism" from the constitution and also removed the article 38A
that prohibited the formation of religion based political parties. In this way
he pushed back advanced secular Bangladesh in to the line of religion based
Pakistan. As in Pakistan communalism and fundamentalism grew up in newly
emerged Bangladesh. Extreme communal parties like Islamic Democratic League,
Muslim League, JamateIslami got approval for engaging in politics. General Zia
not only created opportunities for forming these parties but assembled huge
number of pro-Pakistani people in the party which he himself formed as the Army
Chief. All these Pakistan lovers were not only the believers of communalism and
fundamentalism but also were associated with the killing of 3 million Bengalis and
raping of about a quarter million women during the war of liberation. They
wanted to legalise war crimes, genocide and crimes
against humanity committed by the
Pakistani occupation army on the pleaof Islam. General Zia?s BNP made through
the co-ordination of such people would naturally take fundamentalism and
communalism as their principle
and try to build Bangladesh in that way.
General Zia participated in the
liberation war. A number of freedom fighters also joined his party. He also
managed to assemble some leaders and workers of Awami League and some leftist
parties by alluring them in different ways. He stood against the 1972
constitution and the spirit of liberation war. In this respect his ideological
inspiration was the religion based two-nation theory of Pakistan.
When General Zia was creating a
favourable climate for communal and fundamentalist politics in Bangladesh by
amending the constitution Awami League and other left parties who believed in
secularism failed to make any strong resistance or movement against it.A
citizens committee was,of course, formed under the auspices of some
intellectuals; some statements and reports and columns were published in
different newspaper against communalism, more specifically against JamateIslami
during Zia's period. But all those couldn't provide any guideline for a
political and social movement against the fundamentalists and communal forces.
Those who opposed the rebirth of
Jamate-Islami at that time stressed specially their misdeeds of 1971,like collaborating
with the Pakistani Army and commit genocide and war crimes, but no attack was
made by them
on the inspiration of communal and
fundamentalist philosophy through which they did all these crimes. For this
reason General Zia's support was observed at a certain stage in respect of
anti-Jamat movement organised on behalf of MuktijoddhaSangsad (Freedom Fighters
Association). It may be mentioned that such kind of opposition to Jamat had no
relation with the opposition to communalism and fundamentalism. Rather it was
observed a few Muslim fundamentalist parties and organisations were vocal in
opposing Jamat on the interpretation of the Quran and Islam. Among such
organisations the "Islamic ShasantantrikAndolan" (Islamic
constitutional movement) of HafejjiHujur should be specially mentioned.
The leftists too had a special role
through which General Zia was able to consolidate his position in support of
communalism and fundamentalism. Due to their extreme animosity against Awami
League and their anti-Indian stand a considerable portion of the leftists of
this country supported General Zia. Those leftists were mainly from pro-Chinese
group. At a certain stage even pro-Moscow leftists discovered some progressive
elements within Zia's 18 points
programme and thereby overlooked the communal character of Zia's
"Bangladeshi Nationalism".
Ziaur Rahman's main charge against Awami
League was that this party was pro-Indian and only for that reason it had
included secularism in the constitution and that there was no existence of
Islam in Bangladesh during the Awami League rule, in spite of the fact that
Bangladesh was invited to the summit of OIC as the second largest Muslim
country and had obtained the membership of the said organisation. Even then
Awami League was said to be against Islam by Zia and other leaders of BNP.
The political vacuum of post-1975 period
made up a considerable portion of leaders of this party which made them
doubtful about secularism. The Awami League also didn't take any effective step
when the state principle of secularism was removed from the constitution and
"Bismillah" was included in its preamble. Awami League leaders had to
say that "secularism does not mean absence of religion" and time and
again they were rather obliged to submit proofs of how much Bangabandhu had
done for Islam. Awami League did never tell clearly even in the election
campaign during the rule of General Zia, General Ershad or Khaleda Zia that
they'll revive the constitution of 1972 if they went to power.
In 1991 election was held under the
supervision of a caretaker Govt.. Many people thought that Awami League would
go to power by being victorious in majority number of seats. But in reality BNP
went to power through that election. After being defeated in 1991 election the
Awami leadership decided to make political use of religion as a tactic. As a
result Awami League became more advanced than BNP or Jatiya Party in showing
their love for Islam. A large portion of Awami League leaders felt that
secularism was a leftist ideology like socialism. Their feeling was that Awami
League could be victorious in 1996 election by making political use of religion
properly.
CPB is still the biggest among the
communist parties or leftist groups in Bangladesh. Being a communist party CPB
is also quite sensitive about religion. The CPB members were found on several
occasions to practice religious rituals like Milad, Qulkhani, Shraadhya etc.
after the death of their comrades. Other parties and groups believing in
socialism were also hesitant and weak in respect to religion. Whereas atheism
was practised even during Pakistani rule3/4 the word (atheism) is seldom heard
now, not to speak of practicing it. It is found only in the writings of a
handful of leftist thinkers, but not in the activities of any political party.
All parties in Bangladesh including
Awami League, BNP, Jatiya Party talk about democracy. Even a fascist and
communal party like JamateIslami that once termed democracy as the ideology of
disbeliever?s nowadays talk about democracy. But the tolerance of others?
opinion, which is the main character of democracy, is never found to be
practised in Bangladesh. It is obvious that in any democratic society there
will be people of different opinions, religions, races and tribes or groups and
this obviousness is the basic characteristic of democracy. In a democratic
society there may be atheists too but the parties that claim to follow
democracy in Bangladesh are ready to co-operate even with fascism, communalism,
fundamentalism and all other isms but never with atheism. Politics may be
practised hand in hand with the people who can do all kinds of crimes including
genocide and raping of women but the political parties are never found by the
side of anybody who becomes the victim of fundamentalists for attacking the
evils of religion. When Professor Ahmed Sharif, Professor Kabir Chowdhury, free
thinker Araj Ali Matubbar and writer TaslimaNasrin were attacked by the
fundamentalists, only a few individuals came forward in their support.
Fear of religion among the political
parties of Bangladesh areresponsible to a great extent for expansion of
communalism and fundamentalism in Bangladesh society. Theoretically the
communists are atheists. But in Bangladesh the communists are very sensitive
and compromising with regard to religion: whatever limited freedom of thought
was there among the communists during the British and Pakistani rule has now
disappeared in independent Bangladesh.
Even the political parties who oppose
fundamentalism and communalism often take shelter under the umbrella of
religion. It is told that Islam does not approve fundamentalism. By quoting
verses from Quran they say how much tolerant Islam is towards others? opinion
and other religions. Not only the democrats like Awami Leaguers make such
statements but many socialists and people believing in communism who oppose
communalism and fundamentalism also speak in the same vein taking advantage of
the peoples? ignorance, unconsciousness and weakness towards religion.
The people associated with the movement
of social changes, specially in rural areas, who are no less eager to attend
meeting, demonstration, and to besiege or surround the Govt?s administrative
offices in the day time as part of their movement, are also eager to hear the
WaazMahfil (discussion on religion) of Pirs or Moulana at night coming from
distant places. Religious influence of these ?Pirs? and ?Moulanas? has not
diminished even after knowing how they co-operated with the Pakistani
occupation army, during the Liberation War. Couple of Pirs formed political
parties by using their popularity. Some leaders of political parties said to
believe in secularism present themselves regularly in the Darbars of Pirs to
obtain their blessings and to drink with much devotion water with Pirs? spit
and to wear the amalot (tabij or ring) given by Pirs with great reverence.
There were not a few writings in
Bangladesh on communalism and fundamentalism. Particularly in the leftist
papers and compilations, many substantial writings are regularly being
published. Had there been any effectiveness of such writings then the
communalism and fundamentalism would have been eradicated from Bangladesh long
ago. But in reality the opposite has happened here. In ?92 when Babri Mosque
was demolished in India beastly atrocities were carried on the Hindus of
Bangladesh. Their homesteads, business organisations and temples were
destroyed. Although many of the leftists at that time critisised these
misdeeds, some of them also told that nothing much had actually happened in
Bangladesh in comparison to India. Many said that there was no place for
communalism
and fundamentalism in Bangladesh.
As the communalism lies hidden in the
depth of the people?s subconscious mind and as it makes its sudden outburst as
a reaction to certain incidents fundamentalism, too, remains hidden in the dark
recesses of the subconscious mind of many leftists. Some leftists have prepared
a theoretical formula about the progressive role of religion by pointing to the
participation of religious communities in China, Combodia, and Vietnam during
the anti-imperialist movement.
When General Ershad declared Islam as
the state religion of Bangladesh the non-Muslims were literally relegated to
second class citizens. In spite of the fact the non-Muslim communities were
victims of discrimination and oppression right from the time of Zia?s rule, the
declaration of Islam
as state religion by Ershad and the 8th
amendment of the constitution
made their very existence vulnerable.
When the aggrieved non-Muslim communities formed ?Hindu-Buddha-Christian
OikyaParisad? the Muslim fundamentalists termed it as the conspiracy of India
and progressive parties considered it as communal behaviour.
As there was no effective resistance
against the 5th amendment of the constitution during Zia?s rule, it was also
not also there against the
8th amendment during Ershad?s rule. Most
of the political parties find
it difficult to stand by the side of the
helpless victims of communalism and fundamentalism, though they speak verbally
or issue newspaper statements in favour of them. It is particularly difficult
for the parties contesting elections. As a result, it had not been possible for
the ?Committee for Resisting Autocracy and Communalism? of the citizens to
continue there activities for long, which was formed to protest the 8th
amendment of the constitution. At that time some political parties rather
asserted that as the movement on one point i.e. the movement against autocracy
was going on then it would not be appropriate to include the movement against
communalism along with that. Because of non-co-operation of such parties the
above organisation, too, had to face a premature death.
There is a preconceived idea about the
religious minority communities that these people cast their votes in favour of
Awami League. Due to this reason BNP, Jamat and JP were found to play a
pioneering role in respect of communal oppression. All these parties think that
the Hindus will leave the country if oppressions are carried on them and
thereby the votes obtained by Awami League will be reduced. During the communal
atrocities in ?92 even the Awami League didn?t make any meaningful resistance
though they had organised a great movement against communal violence in 1964.
Because Awami League now thinks that if they speak strongly in favour of
minority they may lose many votes of the majority community. In the draft
election declaration of 1996 Awami League said that they would repeal the
preventive ?Vested property Act? if they go to power. But in their final draft
this commitment was dropped. This was also done consideration of the criticism
of BNP. There are people within Awami League, too, particularly the
beneficiaries of this act, who wanted to keep this black law intact.
In the election of 1996 the Awami League
put much emphasis on those criticism of the opponents in which it was told
that3/4 Awami League was the puppet of India, if Awami League went to power
there would be no Islam in the country; the sound of "Ulu" (Hindu
ritual) would be heard from Mosques, the Hindus who left this country would
come back and demand their abandoned properties, Bangladesh would be a
component state of India, etc. etc. In retorting to all these baseless
allegations the Awami League had to speak more against India and much in favour
of Islam. As a result many Awami League supporters who believed in secularism
were frustrated.
On the plea that the religious minority
communities might vote for Awami League in 1996 election the BNP, Jatiya Party
and Jamat carried out unprecedented intimidation and repression on Hindus of
Bangladesh. As the Awami League came out victorious they were compelled to say
that the election was free and fair. But according to the observers had it been
really fair the votes obtained by Awami League would be 45% instead of 37%.
SuddhangsuShekharHalder of Awami League was defeated by the combined communal propaganda
of BNP and Jamat. In his constituency Hindu voters were prevented from going to
the polling booths through different means. In certain places they were
physically tortured; even there were incidents of even women violation. Similar
cases were observed in different constituencies where the numbers of Hindu
voters were large.
By saying that the 1996 election was
free and fair the Awami League did injustice to seven to eight lakhs religious
minority voters who were intimidated by the BNP, Jamat and Jatiya Party, and
were unable to cast their votes.
Only the JamateIslami, IslamiOikyaJote
and other parties of the same ideology are not responsible for the spread of
communalism and fundamentalism in Bangladesh. All parties including democrats,
socialists, rightists and leftists are more or less responsible for this. On
different occasions JamateIslami and parties of the same opinion or principles
was given encouragement or was underestimated on tactical ground. Certain
quarters on the other hand went to HafejjiHujoor for support in order to oppose
JamateIslami. JamateIslami was also made an ally on the logic of fighting
against autocracy during Ershad?s regime.
When Shaheed Janani (Mother of martyr)
Jahanara Imam constituted ?EkattorerGhatakDalalNirmul Committee? (Committee for
Resisting killers and collaborators of 1971), it was considered as the
preparatory stage for rooting out communalism and fundamentalism, although the
said committee was set up primarily for demanding the trial of war criminal
Ghulam Azam. However, it was hoped that this movement would gradually lead up
to a total movement against communalism and fundamentalism, and would reinforce
the spirit of liberation war. The parties supporting this movement at that time
were eager for the trial of war criminals, particularly for the trial of Ghulam
Azam, the Ameer (chief) of JamateIslami, rather than opposing communalism and
fundamentalism as a matter of principle. Even at the peak hours of the movement
the political parties had their objection to utter the word ?fundamentalism?,
but Nirmul Committee took a strong position in this regard.
Now Awami League is also speaking
against communalism and fundamentalism, because all the communalist and
fundamentalist parties have united in a front with BNP to dislodge the Awami
League from power. The JamateIslami which once considered BNP as the party of
devils and said that woman leadership was najayez (prohibited) is now the main
support of BNP. As they are always spreading communal hatred and opposing the
water-sharing pact of Farakka, CHT peace agreement and ?ShikhaChirantan? (ever
burning flame of liberation war), Awami League is naturally compelled to speak
against communalism and fundamentalism. However, alongside these the AL is also
obliged to expand the Madrasha education, spread the activities of Islamic
Foundation, make religious education compulsory and implement the programme of
establishing ?Maktab? (religious school) in the mosques, considering only short
term political gains.
The overall situation is not at all
favourable for the secular democratic forces who are opposing fundamentalism
and communalism. Even after all these contradictions it is important that Awami
League be allowed to remain in power for resisting any power-capturing move of fundamentalists
since leftists are not yet an alternative force in our power politics. When
Awami League is removed, the power will be captured by BNP, the main allies of
which are the communalists and fundamentalists, the anti-people forces.BNP ?s
going to power will mean the introduction of Sharia (religious) and Blasphemy
law like Pakistan, destruction of ? Kadiani? (Ahmedia Muslim) community by
declaring them as anti-religious, compelling the minority tribes, groups and
religious communities to leave the country in order to push back Bangladesh
into the darkness of medieval age.
The leftists are also to understand that
they are the main targets BNP
of fundamentalist attack. Their
activities against communalists and fundamentalists should not be limited only
to writing some leaflets, issuing paper statements or delivering some speeches
at public meetings. Long-term programmes are needed to resist fundamentalism
and communalism, and that can be implemented even by remaining outside the
orbit of power.